Army against Maoists- by M.G.Devasahayam

Army against Maoists
The Inherent Risk Of A Dual Shame
MG Devasahayam
THE Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) deliberations on the ‘larger mandate’ sought by Home minister Chidambaram to annihilate the Maoists with the might of the Armed Forces ended in a stalemate in view of the sharp differences between the Defence and Home ministries. It now looks highly doubtful whether the military will be deployed in “a direct combat role’’ in the anti-Naxal battle.

Now that the issue is out in the open, Defence minister AK Antony cannot stick to his oft-repeated stand: ‘’I don’t want a public debate on this. The government will take a decision after carefully assessing various implications. We will come to a conclusion only after weighing the pros and cons of a possible deployment of armed forces in the fight against Maoists.’’

While the need to weigh the pros and cons cannot be disputed, to reject the public debate is untenable. Governments have used all agencies, forces and resources at their command ~ civil services, state police, mercenary agencies like the Salwa Judum and central forces ~ to combat the Maoists and have failed. The Army is the ‘last resort’ and there is no other force left. Therefore, the people have a right to know and debate as to how state and paramilitary forces were used, why they failed and what difference can the deployment of the army make. More importantly, should the Armed Forces, trained and equipped to wage war and decimate enemies, be used at all to fight and kill our own people.

PC’s ‘development model’
What needs to be debated is why the Home ministry, particularly Chidambaram, aided and abetted by certain media channels, is hell-bent on India’s 1.2 million strong regular well-equipped Army getting into direct confrontation with the itinerant, ramshackle ‘Maoist militants’ probably numbering a few thousands. Obviously to capture, hold and hand over tribal territories for ‘development’ purposes.

Let us take a reality-check on the kind of ‘development’ that Chidambaram has in mind. In a Congress-ruled state with a large mineral belt, deals were signed with two alumina refining companies for mining 7.5 million tonnes of bauxite. While fetching the government a mere Rs 64.5 crore as royalty, both companies would make a staggering profit of Rs. 3610 crore per year. This loot has been given the protective cover of a Public Sector Undertaking which would do the notional mining and sell to the alumina refineries. For the community, mining operations would at best create 400 additional jobs against nearly 100,000, mainly tribal people, who would be rendered homeless.

One of the media channels, fascinated with this ‘development model’ had trumped up an ‘opinion-poll’ suggesting 67 per cent public support for the ‘use of the Army against the Naxals’. Interviewed by this channel, Chidambaram gleefully endorsed this farce and said that he was not surprised at all. Anchors of this and other media channels have been screaming and screeching for launching the Army for area domination so that this ‘development model’ could be implemented in the entire tribal territory.

It redounds to the credit of the military establishment that even amidst all this sound and fury they have analysed the situation dispassionately. Their main ground of course is the fear of collateral damage and the predominant view is that the Army should step in only as the last resort since this task really belongs to the state police, familiar with the local terrain and local conditions. The Generals rightly feel that the presence of soldiers in civilian areas could lead to a greater sense of alienation among the tribal population who are deprived even of basic facilities. Another factor is that a military offensive could intensify NGO resistance and that the damage to the social fabric could be more serious. An already over-stretched Army doubts whether it can sustain another major long-term internal security commitment.

This discourse reminds me of the deep faith in the Army expressed in a Time magazine article at the height of the Emergency in August 1975. Describing the predicament of Indira Gandhi between choosing to become a dictator on her own or with the support of the Soviet agents, the author Claire Sterling wrote: “Neither development is likely to leave the Indian Army unmoved. And that is perhaps the crux of the situation. India’s standing Army of nearly a million men has been resolutely non-political since Independence. But it is also sensitive to the smallest slight to its honour, dignity and military independence, not to mention the nation’s sovereignty; and it is steeped in loyalty to constitutional principles……”.

The article concludes: “Depending on how fast and how far she goes in changing from a traditional Prime Minister to the one-woman ruler of a police state, the Indian Army ~ the one group with the power to stop the process ~ could intervene. If it were to do so, it would almost certainly be not to replace her with a military dictator, but to restore the institutions it has been drilled into defending since birth”.

The Indian Army has lived up to this faith. But the tragedy is that some of the present-day democrats are turning dictatorial and in their desperation are handing over one-third of India ~ Jammu & Kashmir, the north-eastern states and now the vast Dandakaranya territory ~ to an unwilling Army. Now is the trying time for the Army’s loyalty and core values.

Participating in a ‘war’ against our own people, suffering from long years of neglect, injustice and repression, runs against the most basic value system of India’s proud Army enshrined in the soul-raising credo of the Indian Military Academy: “The safety, honour and welfare of your country come first, always and every time. The honour, welfare and comfort of the men you command come next. Your own ease, comfort and safety come last, always and every time.”

Responsibility of police
THE top military brass has realized this and have stood their ground. They have also disregarded the incessant spin-doctoring by the electronic media who have roped in some ex-Army busybodies also in support. Under immense MNC-media pressure the weak and unstable political set-up seems to be vacillating.

But there is no need for the Defence ministry and military chiefs to dither. They have already spoken their mind, and are on a strong wicket. Combating Naxalism is indeed the job of the state government, more particularly its police force. The Union Home Ministry should support them with well-trained and better-motivated paramilitary forces. Instead of doing this in a professional manner, Chidambaram and his team want to achieve their mining/MNC agenda riding on the back of the armed forces whose duty lies in upholding the ‘safety, honour and welfare of the nation and its people’ and not in securing and holding territory for the multinational billionaires and assorted carpetbaggers.

Though a tentative decision has been taken not to involve the Army in ‘direct action’, the CCS would be taking a final call soon on this extremely sensitive issue. Before doing so it should deeply ponder and ask two critical questions: One is, will not militarization of the Dandakaranya tribal territory signify the collective and complete collapse of civil governance? And the second, will not the world opinion justifiably equate India with Pakistan, which is considered a ‘failed state’?

Do we really need this dual shame?

courtesy-The Statesman